By Kenneth L. Kusmer, Joe W. Trotter
Historians have committed strangely little consciousness to African American city heritage of the postwar interval, particularly in comparison with past a long time. Correcting this imbalance, African American city heritage due to the fact international struggle II gains a thrilling mixture of pro students and clean new voices whose mixed efforts give you the first finished overview of this significant subject. the 1st of this volume’s 5 groundbreaking sections makes a speciality of black migration and Latino immigration, studying tensions and alliances that emerged among African american citizens and different teams. Exploring the demanding situations of residential segregation and deindustrialization, later sections take on such themes because the actual property industry’s discriminatory practices, the flow of middle-class blacks to the suburbs, and the impact of black city activists on nationwide employment and social welfare regulations. one other staff of members examines those issues during the lens of gender, chronicling deindustrialization’s disproportionate effect on ladies and women’s best roles in routine for social switch. Concluding with a suite of essays on black tradition and intake, this quantity totally realizes its objective of linking neighborhood changes with the nationwide and worldwide approaches that have an effect on city category and race family members.
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Extra info for African American Urban History since World War II (Historical Studies of Urban America)
Like Dona Irvin, most discovered that their education held little value in their new homes. The teaching jobs that were a mainstay for educated females in the Jim Crow South were usually not available in the school systems of the other regions. Well-educated men also struggled, both because race discrimination closed off most white-collar positions to African Americans until the late 1960s and because degrees from the historically black colleges of the South were considered inferior. Men with college experience did earn 25 percent more than their southern counterparts in 1949, but compare that to the 71 percent premium earned by a grammar-school-educated male who had left the South or the 82 percent income advantage of poorly educated females.
Despite the fact that some retired and active-duty black soldiers were officers and members of the middle class, residential segregation practices in the region kept them mostly within Seaside’s boundaries.
Migration remained more financially beneficial for those with less education than for those who had been to college. These income comparisons need to be put in context. The same data also show that migrants struggled with labor markets that offered only limited opportunities to African Americans. If anyone had headed north expecting to escape severe racial discrimination, they would indeed have been disappointed. The clearest way to demonstrate the powerful effects of race in the labor markets of the North and West is to compare the jobs and incomes of black southern migrants with those of white southern migrants, who shared many of the background factors (mostly rural southern origins, mostly poorly educated) and who were participating in their own great migration out of the South.